The right still playing with fire

Nidia Diaz

IN the weeks leading up to September 26, the date set for legislative elections for the National Assembly, the Venezuelan right and its sponsors in the United States are trying to revive a climate of instability that could, at least, justify not recognizing the election results, in the knowledge that these have not been at all favorable to them in the past.

Naturally, they are banking on more: snatching two thirds or less of the seats from the Bolivarian forces of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), thus plotting from within a coup against President Hugo Chávez, for a repetition of the Honduran coup d’état of last June.

While those are its dreams, as Quevedo, that Spanish literary giant, would say, “and dreams are but dreams…” it knows that it will not achieve that total of votes because is has not managed to form a serious and constructive opposition, but one of minimum credibility and unity. Each group and clique is acting in its own interest, while surveys – which one cannot take entirely for granted – give the Bolivarian candidates a positive lead.

And although a coup or assassination remain the most appetizing options for the Venezuelan right and ultra-conservative sectors entrenched in the U.S. government, it is a fact that, for now, these are banking on economic warfare utilizing the old imperialist script of provoking discontent among the population due to scarcities and lack of supplies in the markets as a detonator of ingovernability against the Bolivarian Revolution.

On June 4, Tania Díaz, minister for communication and information (MinCI), called on the Venezuelan people to be alert to speculation and hoarding.

According to Radio Nacional de Venezuela (RNV) on the “Dando y Dando” program transmitted by Venezolana de Televisión, Díaz explained that “the opposition has dedicated itself to posing socialism as the worst experience for human beings” and, in that context, spoke of the fallacy stated in a private radio program, where the moderators said that rotting produce recently found in the state of Carabobo was to go on sale in markets.

At the same time, the private media, the sworn enemy of the Revolution and the accomplice and backer of the internal coup of April 11, 2002, has launched a campaign of distortion and lies around companies linked to the food sector placed in administration precisely for being responsible for the de-stocking of many lines.

All of that is compounded by constant private media calls on serving soldiers to mutiny, with the to-date failed objective of finding a Pinochet within the ranks of the army.

In that context, President Hugo Chávez once again exposed on his “Aló Presidente” program the private news website, which claims the existence of “retired high-ranking army officers who are working in conjunction with active patriots to design a civil-military transition that will be inevitable and which is rumored to happen in 2010 or early 2011.
While that is going on and while the country dreamed of by the Venezuelan right and U.S. imperialism is only made material in articles published by its media, the Bolivarian people are advancing in the construction of a real participatory democracy and, in a strategy for unity, are organizing their participation in the context of the September parliamentary elections.

Not only have they organized around the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) as a vanguard force of the Revolution, but they have elected their 120 candidates for deputies and an equal number of reserves from 3,000-plus aspirants for what are unprecedented internal elections in the country. All of Venezuela’s constituencies have received the close to four million electors who will vote for their representatives in the “red tent” polling stations on September 26.

On the other hand, the divided hosts of the opposition have identified barely 15% of their candidates and currently, only a few months before the electoral battle, the PSUV membership has collected 7.34 million bolívares to fund their candidates’ election campaign. This funding, in contrast to their opponents, does not come from abroad, or from the pockets of rich contributors or from the owners of the pro-coup media.

Alongside that, close to 13,000 Batalla Bolívar (Bolívar Battle) units are being formed with the mission of undertaking house-to-house campaigns starting July 5, when they will talk to all electors to explain to them, inform them and make them aware of the importance of the upcoming elections.

As in the majority of Latin American nations, internal elections do not have the convening intensity and enthusiasm of the presidentials. Reversing that historic trend is now a challenge for the Bolivarian Revolution.

Its enemies are also banking on a high abstention rate; it wouldn’t be the first time that revolutionaries, convinced of the power and justice of their cause, leave voting up to others on the mistaken basis that the elections do not require their presence. That cannot be the premise, and so

it is not by chance that the leader of the Bolivarian Revolution is insisting on the participation of each and every Venezuelan patriot, for whom defense of the process underway, more than a right, is also a commitment and a duty.

Winning the majority of National Assembly seats on September 26 in the midst of the escalated imperialist aggression against the Bolivarian Revolution is a privilege of those who make it possible.

Chávez has his greatest hopes pinned on those inheritors of Simón Bolívar, the liberator of Our America. Like it or not, the upcoming legislative elections constitute a referendum on the Revolution and the genuine possibility of continuing to make it more profound.

In response to President Chávez’ call, Bolivarian Venezuelans have to come out in force on September 26 as the only way of defeating the enemy.


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